When Richard Nixon decided
to run for president in 1968, many observers regarded this as quixotic
quest. Nixon had lost to Kennedy in 1960
and been soundly defeated in his bid for the governorship in California two years
later. The cognoscenti therefore
concluded that he had been thoroughly discredited and could not possibly win.
Liberals never liked
Nixon. They despised him as the man who
had taken down Alger Hiss. For them, he
was the personification of mean spirited conservatism. Moreover with his five o’clock shadow, he
looked the part. Hence, when, after his
California loss, he declared that the press would not have him to kick around
anymore, they hoped it was true.
But surprise, surprise;
Nixon won in 68. Indeed, he defeated a
sitting vice-president who had been the darling of progressives. There was no way he should have beaten Hubert
Humphrey. The question was, why? How could so many Americans have voted for so
unlikable a man?
Part of the answer has to be the turbulent
60’s. The nation had recently endured a
series of shocks. There had been
assassinations, an anti-war movement, and racial violence. Several inner cities had been burned to the
ground and radicals threatened to bomb innocent civilians.
As a result, Nixon was able
to mobilize the silent majority.
Millions of voters were tired of seeing their nation assaulted. They wanted a return to normal. As the law and order candidate, this is what
Nixon promised.
Are we today seeing a
reprise of this scenario? Will the current
violence on our streets produce a similar backlash? Will rioters protesting police malfeasance by
looting targets of opportunity arouse sufficient disgust? Do terrorist bombers frighten people as much
as the Weathermen once did?
Times are not quite the
same. The social chaos has not yet
reached the same proportions. Nor is the
electorate identical. There are now many
more minority voters. As for Donald
Trump, he is no Nixon. Although
comparably distrusted, he is not nearly as politically well versed.
Political pundits see the
parallels. But they also see the
disjunctions. Consequently few are
willing to hazard a prediction—particularly with the polls as close as they
have been.
But then there is the Reagan
precedent. When he ran for the
presidency in 1980, the nation was also in turmoil. The economy had gone south and Iran was
holding hostages. These events made the
United States look weak and indecisive.
People wanted their confidence resorted.
Reagan promised as much.
But like Nixon, Reagan was a
flawed candidate. He was a movie star; a
Wild West cowboy. How could a man who
threatened to defy the Russians be trusted?
Just as importantly, how could someone so reactionary be assigned to
protect our economy?
We know how this came
out. Not only was Reagan elected, but he
brought the Carter inflation under control.
Then he did something of historic proportions. He faced down the Soviets and won. Although most experts expected the cold war
to drag on indefinitely, he laid the foundation for its termination.
Trump too is facing economic
malaise and international disorder. He
too must deal with retrenchment and pessimism.
Unlike Reagan, however, he is not a student of government. He does not have a well-formed philosophy
about how to solve our problems.
No, Trump is a businessman
and a braggart. Moreover, his rhetoric
is often so inflated that not even his most zealous supporters expect him to be
able to keep every promise. Although he
was a successful builder and TV personality will that translate into political
success?
No one can be sure. Probably the best thing Trump has going for
him is Hillary Clinton. She is so
closely associated with the current ills and so personally disreputable, the millions
of American hesitate to put her in charge.
Will this be enough to put
Trump over the top? Will enough voters
take a chance that he can restore our nation’s equilibrium? While I have decided to back this dark horse,
I am holding my breath and hoping for the best.
Melvyn L. Fein, Ph.D.
Professor of Sociology
Kennesaw State University
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