Almost from the moment the United States became the world’s lone superpower, people began to speculate about whether we would suffer the fate of the Roman Empire. Would we too decline and fall into an abyss the way Europe’s greatest empire did.
This hypothesis was reasonable, but the better parallel is between the Roman Republic and us. It too unraveled when its wealth and power exceeded the unifying ability of the institutions that allowed it to dominate the Mediterranean littoral.
Rome had been a small city-state composed mostly of impendent farmers. They were proud citizens who energetically participated in the legions that destroyed Carthage. Theirs was a republic in which they voted for their leaders and expected these men to protect their interests.
Capturing all the lands from Spain to Turkey changed this. Now Rome was extremely rich, with most of the spoils concentrated in the hands of the Patricians. This destabilized the class structure and removed the incentive for farmers who lost their land to participate in the system.
Attempts to rectify this situation made things worse. Strongmen arose who promised to bring back the glories of the past, whereas in the process they undermined the political traditions that enabled the republic to prosper. These leaders said that they cared about the little people, while in fact they lusted after power.
Most Americans have never heard of the Gracchi, or Marius, or Sulla. Nonetheless, these men and their competitors were the ones who rent the system apart. In flouting centuries of time-honored practices, they demolished the foundation of their civilization.
Before them, no one brought weapons into the forum. Before them, the sanctity of the consuls and tribunes was inviolate. After them, nothing was off limits if this allowed those who sought power to obtain it.
This development should resonate with the situation of contemporary America. We too grew from humble beginnings to superpower status. Moreover, in the process our social class system was transformed. The difference, of course, was that instead of poverty becoming more prevalent, we became a middle class society.
In any event, the rules that we live by became outmoded. The more diverse our society became and the more responsibility individuals assumed, the less historic standards seemed relevant. A sense of entitlement encouraged people to demand what they wanted, when they wanted it.
Our governmental traditions have gradually given way to political innovations that are said to be beneficial, but that actually eat away at the stability we have come to expect. A host of unprecedented actions jeopardize the restraints that enable a mass society to maintain its balance.
A good example is the drive to impeach president Trump. Even his detractors know that he has not engaged in “high crimes and misdemeanors” while in office. They don’t care. They instead tell us that impeachment is a political process and therefore they don’t require legally provable allegations.
Indeed, they were demanding that Trump be impeached even before he took the oath of office. Their goal was thus never to protect the nation, but to rid themselves of a detested foe.
All of this flies in the face of American traditions. Until now, have held that impeachment should be a last resort. We have understood that if a chief executive can be toppled anytime a hostile congress desires, it is impossible for him or her to govern.
As recently as a half century ago, President John Kennedy recognized this fact. In his book Profiles in Courage, he lauded the senator who refused to vote for the impeachment of Andrew Johnson. Instead of giving in to political pressure, Edmund Ross stood by his principles. He would not allow partisan fervor make a mockery of the constitution.
So why are the Democrats so hot to impose a penalty that would obliterate our democratic heritage? The answer is simple. The more their policies for saving our nation fail, the more dedicated they become to obtaining power for its own sake. They cannot admit their errors; hence they project them on others.
These politicians are playing a dangerous game. They will say anything and do anything they believe will enable them to call the shots. What works is irrelevant. As a result, we may all suffer.
Traditions develop for a reason. When they change—as they must—this should be done with care. Nowadays this truism is utterly neglected. We should all tremble at the potential consequences.
Melvyn L. Fein, Ph.D.
Professor Emeritus
Kennesaw State University
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