On the face of it, it sounds absurd. How can liberalism be dying? Haven’t liberals just experienced their greatest triumphs in decades? Haven’t they only recently captured the presidency and both houses of congress, with a soon-to-be filibuster proof majority in the senate? Isn’t it conservatism that is, in fact, dying?
Only appearances can be deceptive. Sometimes mortality is preceded by a period of illusory vigor. These dynamic episodes are usually referred to as “death throes.” The victim seems to defy its terminal condition, but is actually using up its last reserves of energy. Liberalism is currently exhibiting unmistakable signs of such misleading liveliness.
When he was running for president Barack Obama worked overtime to persuade the electorate that he was moderate. He assured voters that he would be bipartisan and conciliatory once in office. But then he became president and in combination with congressional Democrats launched the most extreme liberal program in more than half a century. He determined to remake a bevy of fundamental institutions along collectivist lines.
To be more specific, in his public appearances the president passionately affirms his intention to nationalize health care, federalize public education, and transform energy policies. While he describes these as necessary to rescue the economy, the recession is only a pretext for instituting long cherished liberal aspirations. It is the excuse, not the reason for doing what he wishes.
So far the public is divided in its response to this radical agenda. Conservatives are appalled, whereas left-wing activists are delighted. It is the folks in the middle who are confused. They want their president to succeed, but are none too happy with his more aggressive policy initiatives. At the moment, they are giving him high marks, but they are also holding their breath to see what happens next.
Except, what if what happens is disaster? What if Obama and his colleagues have crawled out on a limb that is so fragile it collapses under the weight of their excessive ambitions? Isn’t this likely to discredit liberalism? Won’t their high-minded aspirations be exposed as naïve fantasies?
Consider the potential failures. What happens when energy costs go up by thousands of dollars per household? What if trillions in deficit spending spark a roaring inflation? Far from receiving tax relief, most people will thereby find their disposable income slashed.
Consider also the effects of nationalized health care. The British and Canadian experiences suggest not better medicine, but more strictly rationed services. The government may pay the bills (from taxes), but will deliver less. In this case, medicine will be “splendidly equalized” at a lower level than most Americans have come to expect.
And what of education? We have had a century of progressive education during which the results of achievement tests have steadily declined. Throwing billions of additional dollars at schools may not necessarily produce worse results, but history suggests that it will not generate better ones.
This is not even to mention the evisceration of national security under liberal management. What if tying the hands of the CIA brings about a new 9/11? What if “civilizing” it interrogation techniques allows a nuclear device to devastate an American city? The prospect is chilling.
Make no mistake; should any of these events transpire, liberalism will be blamed. The “chickens will have come home to roost” in a big way. If so, in much the same manner that Watergate devastated the Republican Party, liberalism’s inflated promises will hobble the Democrats. They will then struggle to survive.
For now, the mainstream media are celebrating the liberal revolution, but radicalism is likely to author its own demise. Liberalism is about to expire because it must grievously disappoint. Indeed, the more sweeping its assurances, the more quickly it will perish.
Melvyn L. Fein. Ph.D.
Professor of Sociology
Kennesaw State University
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